An Irish American View of the Colored Soldier



    Union enlistment posters for Irish Americans in New York and coloreds in Pennsylvania

    During the antebellum and Civil War eras, free negroes and Irish immigrants often had a strained relationship. Both were subject to racial or ethnic bias by the white Protestant majority (anti-immigrant bigots were called “Nativists”), and were considered the “bottom rungs” of American society. (Blacks were on the very bottom.) Given their lowly status, blacks and Irish often competed for low-wage jobs, and the stress of that competition led to outright hostility… or worse.

    Tensions between the two groups were further inflamed by heated and hateful rhetoric from the Copperhead faction of the Democratic Party, to which most Irish Americans were aligned. These Democrats argued that the emancipationist policies of President Lincoln and the Republican Party would cause a “stampede” of freed blacks to the North that would undercut and devalue white labor.

    The Democrats also argued that it was unacceptable for whites to fight and die to free black slaves. That argument was echoed even by the Irish religious leader New York Archbishop John Hughes. As noted by historian James McPherson in his book Battle Cry of Freedom, Hughes stated that “we Catholics, and a vast majority of our brave troops in the field, have not the slightest idea of carrying on a war that costs so much blood and treasure just to gratify a clique of Abolitionists.”

    The economic, political and social stresses between blacks and Irish erupted in violence as the War continued. Again from McPherson:

    With this kind of [racist] rhetoric from their leaders, it was little wonder that some white workingmen took their prejudices into the streets. In a half-dozen or more cities, anti-black riots broke out during the summer of 1862. Some of the worst violence occurred in Cincinnati, where the replacement of striking Irish dockworkers by Negroes set off a wave of attacks on black neighborhoods. In Brooklyn a mob of Irish-Americans tried to burn down a tobacco factory where two dozen black women and children were working.

    The nightmare vision of blacks invading the North seemed to be coming true in southern Illinois, where the War Department transported several cars of contrabands to help with the harvest. Despite the desperate need to gather crops, riots forced the government to return most of the blacks to contraband camps south of the Ohio River.

    And then things got worse. In March 1863, new conscription (draft) laws were implemented. More men would be eligible for the draft, but service could be avoided by paying a $300 fee or hiring a substitute. Most Irish men could not afford the fee or a substitute. Meanwhile, African Americans, who were not citizens, were exempt from the draft.

    That set the stage for the New York City Draft Riots of July 1863.

    The draft lottery in New York began on Saturday, July 11, 1863. On Monday, July 13, the Draft Riots began. It was an extended period of mob violence, mostly Irish mobs, against mostly African American victims. The riots lasted five days, and resulted in perhaps 500 deaths, including rioters who were killed, and several thousand injuries; some estimates place the death and injury toll as even higher. Property damage was in a range of $1-5 million, including the destruction of a black orphanage. (The casualty and property damage estimates are from Barry Schecter’s book The Devil’s Own Work: The Civil War Draft Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America.)

    Even the black abolitionist Frederick Douglass, who spoke of friendships with Irish Americans, and lived in Ireland for half a year in the 1840s, came to wonder how “a people who so nobly loved and cherished the thought of liberty at home in Ireland [have] become, willingly, the oppressors of another race here.”
    ****

    All of this is background to the following selection from the 1895 pamphlet The Negro as a Soldier, by Christian Fleetwood. Fleetwood was a freeman from Maryland who reached the rank of Sergeant Major in the 4th U.S. Colored Troops Regiment Infantry of Maryland. In his pamphlet, Fleetwood talks about the reluctance of the United States to use blacks in the military. (See Frederick Douglass: Fighting Against a “White Man’s War”/Part 1, on this blog.)

    But Fleetwood describes a different take on the subject of black enlistment from a Union Irishman (although the sentiments stated were almost certainly not limited to the Irish):

    For two years the fierce and determined opposition had kept [Negroes from serving in the Union], but now [in 1863] the bars were down and they came pouring in. Some one said he cared not who made the laws of a people if he could make their songs. A better exemplification of this would be difficult to find than is the song written by “Miles O’reilly” (Col. [Charles] Halpine), of the old 10th Army Corps. I cannot resist the temptation to quote it here. With General Hunter’s letter and this song to quote from, the episode was closed:

    Some say it is a burning shame to make the Naygurs fight,
    An’ that the trade o’ being kilt belongs but to the white:
    But as for me, upon me sowl, so liberal are we here,
    I’ll let Sambo be murthered, in place of meself, on every day of the year.

    On every day of the year, boys, and every hour in the day,
    The right to be kilt I’ll divide wid him, and divil a word I’ll say.

    In battles wild commotion I shouldn’t at all object,
    If Sambo’s body should stop a ball that was coming for me direct,
    An’ the prod of a southern bayonet, so liberal are we here,
    I’ll resign and let Sambo take it, on every day in the year,

    On every day in the year, boys, an’ wid none of your nasty pride,
    All right in a southern bagnet prod, wid Sambo I’ll divide.

    The men who object to Sambo, should take his place and fight,
    An’ it is better to have a Naygur’s hue, than a liver that’s weak an’ white,
    Though Sambo’s black as the ace of spades, his finger a thryger can pull,
    An’ his eye runs straight on the barrel sight from under its thatch of wool,

    So hear me all, boys, darlin, don’t think I’m tipping you chaff,
    The right to be kilt, I’ll divide with him, an’ give him the largest half.

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5 thoughts on “An Irish American View of the Colored Soldier

  1. I highly recommend Christian Samito’s *Becoming American under Fire.* It is a study of the role military service played in citizenship formation among irish-Americans and African-Americans. He asserts that the service of these two groups and the recognition they gained for it was central to the new definition of national citizenship enshrined in the Reconstruction Amendments.

    • TR,

      I am know of that book and it’s on my “To Read” list – along with several dozen other books!

      One thing I am aware of is that, following military service in just about all American Wars – the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, Civil War, WWI, WWII, the Korean War (I know I’m leaving some out) – black soldiers came home with certain expectations regarding their treatment by American society at large. These expectations were not always realized, but it did lead black vets to manifest “militant” behaviors.

      One person who immediately comes to mind is Robert Williams. He was a WWII vet, an NAACP activist in NC, and an exponent of armed self defense against violent segregationists. His book Negroes with Guns, which talked about self-defense tactics, is said to have inspired Black Panther Party founder Huey Newton.

      • Lunch,

        Very true about military service and postwar expectations for equality and expanded freedom. I think the same could be applied to Southern and Eastern Europeans during World War I as well. Richard Slotkin wrote *Lost Battalions* a few years back which discussed this and tried to make connections between the black and ethnic experience.

        What is a constant is that black soldiers consistently found themselves benefitting the least from their military service. One trajectory remarkable to me is that black calls for equality and freedom grew loudest following World War Two and Korea—conflicts in which for the first time since the War for Independence their military service was allowed to be the most expansive. They were given the greatest access yet to the combat arms as well as to the commissioned ranks. Obviously the combat performance of integrated units during the Korean conflcit needs to be taken into consideration as well.

  2. Perhaps it should also be noted in this context that the raising of the USCT and other regiments of color offered opportunities for advancement to the Irish as well. Just as Col Byrnes of the 28th Massachusetts Volunteers rose to that rank from being a sergeant in the 5th Cavalry of the pre-war Army, records show that a number of men from the 28th Mass would leave to become officers or higher ranking officers in various new colored regiments that were being raised.

  3. I was looking for Irish immigrant Union soldiers using the term “darlin” about other soldiers. I believe I found that reference to answer my question.

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